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PROCEEDINCS 



UNION LEAGUE 

OF PHILADELPHIA, 

In Commemoration of the Eighty-Ninth Anniversary 
of American Independence, 

CTTTni/^r 4tll 7 1865. 



Oration of Charles Gibbons, Esq 



PHILADELPH I A : 

King .5c Bair.d, Printers, No. 607 Sansoni Street. 

1865. 






PROCEEDINGS 

OF nir 

UNION LEAGUE 



OF PHILADELPHIA, 



In Commemoration of the Eighty-Ninth Anniversary 

of American Independence, 

CTTTX-/Y 4tll, 1865. 




Oration of Charles Gibbons, Eso 



PHILADELPHIA : 

King & Balrd, Printers, No. 607 Sansom Street. 

1865. 



ri 



PEOC E EDI 1STGS 



July -3=tlx, 18G3. 



The Union League of Philadelphia, in pursuance 
of public notice, held a meeting in the Academy 

of Music on this day, in commemoration of the 89th 
Anniversary of American Independence. 

At 12 o'clock precisely the members of the League 
entered the building, and took their places on the 
stage, where seats had been provided. 

Morton McMichael, Esq., one of the Vice-Presi- 
dents of the League, took the chair, with Chakles 
Gibbons, Esq., the Orator of the Day, on his right, 
and Daniel Dougherty, Esq., the Reader of the 
Declaration, on his left. A large number of the 
clergy occupied seats on the right of the members. 

The proceedings were opened by an appropriate 
prayer from the Rev. George Dana Boakdman. 

-The Star-Spangled Banner" was then sung by 
the choir of the League. During the final chorus, 
the members and the whole audience rose, giving to 
the performance a most impressive effect. 



The Declaration of American Independence was 
then read by Daniel Dougherty, Esq. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes neces- 
sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which 
have connected them with another, and to assume, amoii"' 
the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights 
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever 
any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, 
it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to 
institute a new government, laying its foundation on such 
principles, and organizing its power in such form as to 
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and hap- 
piness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments 
long established should not be changed for light and tran- 
sient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown 
that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are 
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms 
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of 
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same ob- 
ject, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute des- 
potism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such 
government, and to provide new guards for their future 
security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these 
colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains 
them to alter their former systems of government. The 
history of the present king of Great Britain is a history 



of repented injuries and usurpations, all having in di] 
object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over th 
states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid 

world. 

He lias refused bis assent to laws, the most wholesome 
and necessary for tbe public good. 

He bas forbidden bis governors to pass laws of imme- 
diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their 
operation till bis assent should be obtained; and when so 
suspended, be bas utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He bas refused to pass other laws for the accommodation 
of large districts of people, unless those people would re- 
linquish tbe right of representation in the legislature, a 
right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

He bas called together legislative bodies at places un- 
usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of 
their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them 
into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
opposing, with manly firmness, bis invasions on the rights 
of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, 
to cause others to be elected; whereby tbe legislative pow- 
ers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people 
at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean- 
time exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, 
and convulsions within. 

ne bas endeavored to prevent the population of these 
states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturaliza- 
tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage 
their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of land. 

He bas obstructed the administration of justice, by re- 
fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
salaries. 



He has- erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their 
substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, 
without the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, 
and superior to, the civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdic- 
tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by 
our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legis- 
lation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment 
for any murders which they should commit on the inhab- 
itants of these States : 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
by jury : 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended 
offences : 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh- 
boring province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern- 
ment, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at 
once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
same absolute rule into these Colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valu- 
able laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our gov- 
ernments : 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring them- 
selves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases 
whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
of his protection, and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our 
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign 



mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation 
tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and 
perfidy scarcely paralleled in the moal barbarous ages, and 
totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall 
themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers 
the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare 
is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and con- 
ditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petit i 
for redress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, 
whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free peopl*'. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of 
attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwar- 
rantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of 
the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. 
We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common 
kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inev- 
itably interrupt our connections and correspondence. Tl 
too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consan- 
guinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, 
which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold 
the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of 
America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- 
tions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people 
of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these 
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and 



Independent States ; that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political con- 
nection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and 
ought to be, totally dissolved; and that as free and inde- 
pendent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude 
peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all 
other acts and things which independent states may of right 
do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm 
reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutu- 
ally pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
sacred honor. 

William Paca, Maryland. 

Samuel Ch ace, Maryland, 

Lewis Morris, New York. 

William Floyd, New York. 

John Adams,, Massachusetts. 

Francis Lewis, New York. 

Cesar Eodne y, Delaware. 

George Eead, Delaware. 

George Wythe, Virginia. 

Benjamin Franklin, Pennsylvan ia. 

Thomas McKean, Delaware. 

Lyman' Hall, Georgia. 

William Ellery, Rhode Island. 

George Clymer, Pennsylvania. 

William Williams, Connecticut. 

John Hancock, Massachusetts. 

Benjamin Harrison, Virginia. 

Charles Carroll, Maryland. 

Benjamin Push, Pennsylvania. 

Samuel Adams, Massachusetts. 

Joseph Hewes North Carolina. 

Edward Eutledge, South Carolina. 

John Hart, New Jersey. 

John Morton, Pennsylvania. 

Arthur Middleton, South Carolina. 



9 

Mathew T 1 1 ( ) i:nt( >x W/r Eamp A ire. 

Samuel II i sttington Connecticut. 

W l LL] A.M 1 1 OOPER, North Carolina. 

Thomas Hayward, Jr., South Carolina. 

Eobert Treat Paine, Massachui 

Francis ] I < ipkinson, New Jersey. 

W [LL] AM Whiffle, New Ha mpsh ire. 

James Smith Pennsylvania. 

George Taylor, Pennsylvania. 

Button G \vi nnett, Georgia. 

Francis Lightfoot Lee, Virginia. 

Josiah Bartlett, New Hampshire. 

Stephen Hopkins Rhode Island. 

John WlTHERSPOON, New Jersey. 

Philip Livingston, Neiv York. 

Eichard Stockton, New Jersey. 

Thomas Lynch, Jr, South Carolina. 

Eichard i i enrt Lee, Virginia. 

Thomas Willing, Pennsylvania. 

Elbridge Gerry, Massachusetts. 

George Eoss, Pennsylvan ia. 

Thomas Stone, Maryland. 

Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut. 

Eoger Sheb man Connecticut. 

Thomas Jefferson, Virginia. 

James Wilson, Pennsylvania. 

Thomas Nelson, Virginia. 

George Walton, 6?< orgia. 

Eobert Morris, .-. .Pennsylva n ia. 

Abraham Clarke, New Jer 

Thomas McKean, Delaware. 

Carter Braxton, Virginia. 

John Penn, North Carol, . 

"Rally Round the Flag" was then sung by the 
choir, the whole audience joining in the chorus. 



10 

Charles Gibbons, Esq., the Orator of the Day, 
was then introduced, and spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen of the Union League, 

Ladies and Fellow-citizens 

of the United States : 

America comes from her battle-fields to-day pale for the 
loss of blood, with all the stars on her victorious flag — com- 
manding peace ! In her brief career of eighty-nine years, 
she has given to history its most remarkable events, to 
science its most useful discoveries, to the mechanic arts 
their most important improvements, to labor its highest 
rewards ; and she now exhibits to mankind the triumphant 
success of her popular government. 

When, haggard and weary under the yoke of her op- 
pressor, she ventured to deny the divinity of despotism, 
and to assert the inalienable rights of all men to liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness, the darkness upon the face of the 
earth was too thick to be penetrated, by the light which 
she hung out to the world. She stood alone. Without 
army or navy, without purse or scrip, with no friend among 
the nations in whom she could trust, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of her inten- 
tions, she opposed her sublime, unfaltering faith, to the 
brutal force of England. 

"I am surprised," said John Adams in 1776, "at the 
suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution. Britain 
has been filled with folly, America with wisdom. It is fch< 
will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered 
forever ; it may be the will of Heaven that America shall 
suffer calamities still more wasting, and distresses yet more 
dreadful. If this be the case, the furnace of affliction pro- 
duces refinement in States as well as individuals ; but I 
submit all my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, 
in which I firmly believe." 



11 

"The day will he celebrated by succeeding 
as tin' great anniversary festival, commemorated as the day 
of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God 
from one end of the continent to the other, from this time 
forward — forevermore. You may think me transported 
with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the 
toil, and blood, and treasure it will cost to maintain this 
declaration, and support and defend these States; yet 
through all the gloom I can sec the rays of light and 
glory, and that posterity will triumph in this day's trans- 
action." 

So spake the patriot prophet, who, a few days before, had 
risen on the floor of Congress and reverently asked that, 
the blessings of Heaven might rest on the new-born 
Republic, and make it the most glorious of all that i 
lived. He may not have foreseen the dreadful carnage 
through which the Republic has recently passed. From a 
deeper gloom than his eyes beheld, from a hotter furnace 
than blazed upon his vision, America comes forth into 
the light of peace, liberty and glory, to keep her anni- 
versary festival, and commemorate the day of her de- 
liverance. 

We may properly inquire on this occasion, how it came 
that human slavery, the cause of all our troubles and afflic- 
tions, and always at war with the principles of the Revo- 
lution, was so strangely domesticated with them, as to 
baffle the efforts of the ablest statesmen, and defy the 
power of Christianity itself to cast it out. Suffer me, 
therefore, to refer to parts of the history of the revolu- 
tionary struggle which may solve this stioc ■ par- 
don me if, in so doing, I vex your ears with a " thrice- 
told tale." It is due to the memory of the Fathers of the 
Republic, that they should not be implicated in a crime 
of which they were not only innocent, but constantly con- 
demned, and that the responsibility should rest where it 
justly belongs. 

For a period of more than one hundred and fifty years 



12 

anterior to the Declaration, and more than a quarter of a 
century after, England was engaged in the slave trade. She 
had stolen from Africa upwards of three millions of men, 
women, and children, of whom half a million died upon 
her hands from starvation, cruel treatment, and disease : 
the remainder she condemned to perpetual slavery. She 
had about three hundred thousand in her American colo- 
nies when they declared their independence. In order to 
secure to Englishmen a monopoly of the wealth to be de- 
rived from the businessmen English judges had given their 
opinion that negroes ivere merchandize, and that therefore 
the navigation acts excluded aliens from the trade. The 
Crown, the Church, the aristocracy, and the merchants of 
England were all implicated in this horrible and infamous 
traffic, and all united in their hostility to free labor in 
America. The people of the colonies attempted in vain to 
relieve themselves and their country from the terrible 
curse. They passed laws restraining the importation of 
negroes, which were not allowed to take effect. In 1770 
the king issued instructions to the Governor of Virginia, 
by which he was commanded on pain of the highest dis- 
pleasure, to assent to no law whereby the importation of 
slaves should be in any respect prohibited or obstructed. 

The most earnest remonstrances against the trade were 
addressed to the king, on the score of its inhumanity and 
corrupting and destructive influences ; but they resulted in 
the most peremptory orders to his officers in the colonies 
to protect and maintain it. The thought and reasoning of 
England on the subject was that " negro labor will keep 
our British colonies in due subserviency to the interests of 
their mother country; for while our plantations depend 
only on planting by negroes, our colonies can never prove 
injurious to British manufactures, never become indepen- 
dent of their kingdom."* This argument satisfied the con- 

* In 1699, Parliament declared " that no wool, yarn or woollen manufac- 
tures of their American plantations, should be shipped there, or even laden, in 
order to be transported from thence to any place whatever." (FWtins , Pol. and 
Civil Eist. U. S.) 



13 

sciences of Englishmen and justified the policy of their 
Government. 

The Continental Congress of 1774 unanimously delared: 
"We will neither import nor purchase any slave imported 

after the first day of December next; after which time we 
will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be 
concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels or 
sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are 
concerned in it." 

In the same year Mr. Jefferson wrote to the Provincial 
Convention of Virginia ih&t"the abolition of domestic slavery 
is the great object of desire in those colonies where if was 
happily introduced in their infant state. But previous to the 
enfranchisement of the slaves Ave have, it is necessary to 
exclude all further importations from Africa; yet our 
repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by im- 
posing duties which amounted to prohibitions, have hitherto 
been defeated by his Majesty's negative, thus preferring 
the immediate advantage of a few British corsairs, to the 
lasting interests of the American States, and to the rights 
of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous prac- 
tice." The Convention exhausted its power over the subject 
by adopting a resolution, presented by Peyton Randolph, 
that " We will neither ourselves import nor purchase any 
slave or slaves imported by any other person, either from 
Africa, the West Indies, or any other place." A year after- 
wards, the Earl of Dartmouth, referring to the effort - 
the colonies to abolish the system, wrote to a colonial 

In 1719, the House of Commons declared " that the erecting of manufac- 
tories in the Colonies tended to lem n thi depi ndence on Great Britain.'' (lb.) 

In order to protect British hatters from competition in America, Parlia- 
ment passed an act in 1732, prohibiting hats from being laden upon a horn . 
cart or oilier carriage in the Colonies, with an intent to be exported to any 
other plantation, or to an}- place whatsoever under a penalty of forfeiture of 
the hats so laden, and a fine of live hundred pounds ! The same ac 
hibited the employment of blacks or negroes in the Colonies, in the business 
of making hats; and also prohibited any person from engaging in the 
manufacture who had not served as an apprentice in the business for 
years.' (See British Statutes at Large.) 



14 

agent: "We cannot allow the colonies to check or dis 
courage in any degree a traffic so beneficial to the nation." 

Three months prior to the Declaration, Congress solemnly 
resolved " that no slaves should be imported into any of 
the thirteen colonies." The resolution was approved and 
respected by all of them ; it expressed the feeling of the 
American heart ; and the matured judgment of American 
statesmen. 

The original draft of the Declaration contained, among 
others, this charge against the King: "He has waged cruel 
war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred 
rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a distant people 
who never offended him, captivating and carrying them 
into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable 
death in their transportation thither. This piratical war- 
fare, the opprobrium of infidel Powers, is the warfare of the 
Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open 
a market where men should be bought and sold, he has 
prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative 
attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce." 
Mr. Jefferson says that this clause was disapproved by 
some Southern gentlemen, whose reflections were not yet 
matured to the full abhorrence of the traffic, and it was, 
therefore, stricken out. 

Two other clauses remain, and have been read to-day, 
having relation to the same subject: 

" He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
and necessary for the public good." 

"He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
States, for that purpose obstructing the laws for the natu- 
ralization of foreigners, refusing to pass others encouraging 
their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of land" 

These clauses of the indictment have direct reference to 
the laws by which the colonists hoped to abolish slavery, 
but which the crown refused to sanction ; and to the slave 
policy of England, to exclude free labor from the country. 



15 

I revive these parts of our early history for the purposi 
of showing that, the spirit of slavery was not an American 
spirit, and had hut little influence here at the time of the 

Declaration. The men of the revolution were the friends 
of universal liberty. Through the long years of fruitless 
effort to obtain from England a peaceful recognition 
their rights, they had investigated and explored the foun- 
dations of human government, and satisfied themselv< 
the end which it was intended to secure. Looking to the 
source of all power, and to the application of the Divine 
law to the human family, they could find no precedent or 
authority to justify oppression in any form. Consulting 
their Bibles, they found many instances where the wrath 
of God had fallen in terrible judgments upon the oppres 
sor. Whether they read the history of Jerusalem and it- 
despotic kings, and surveyed the ruins of the city — or fol- 
lowed the centuries back till they saw the waters rolling 
over the hosts of Pharaoh — Avhether they heard the thun- 
der from Sinai or the groan from the Cross of Calvary, 
they saw the arm of the Omnipotent falling on the oppres- 
sor, and heard the voice of admonition to the nations, and 
of mercy to mankind — "All men are created equal" On 
this principle, accepted as a self-evident truth, and there- 
fore unlimited in its application and immutable as tin 
throne of the Eternal, they laid the foundations of the new 
Eepublic. '< 

But, while men may perfectly agree upon great funda- 
mental truths, it often happens that the proper and general 
application of them is necessarily deferred by contingen- 
cies not foreseen or provided for. The Declaration was 
issued by a Congress of Independent and Sovereign States. 
It was not the act of oue organized government, but a 
solemn proclamation of certain rights which no system of 
government could lawfully take from a people. The States 
were united, not by a constitution or compact, for none at 
that time existed, but by the Declaration itself; by the 
claim which each one had, in common with all the others, to 



16 

the same things ; and by the dangers which assailed those 
things. The Union thus formed was strengthened and 
hallowed by the blood which had already been shed in the 
common cause ; but there was no one government which 
could make laws to act upon or bind the people. Con- 
gress, being a mere convention of States, was not invested 
with such authority, and therefore had no power to prose- 
cute to their legitimate results the principles which it asserted 
in the Declaration. That duty was necessarily left to the 
people of the several States ; and before the close of the 
century, or very soon afterwards, a majority of States had 
made provision for the emancipation of their slaves. 

The Federal Government, under the articles of confedera- 
tion, weak and insufficient as it was, has left some pleasant 
memories. It was durinsr the confederation that Congress 
passed the ordinance for the government of the territory 
of the United States, northwest of the Ohio river, which 
had been ceded by Virginia, embracing an area of about 
one hundred and eighty-five thousand square miles. 

It was the first legislation in anticipation of the forma- 
tion of new States, and their admission into the Union. It 
was the first opportunity offered to Congress to illustrate 
by its works, the faith of the Revolution on the subject of 
slavery. 

And, accordingly, in the twelfth } r ear of the Indepen- 
dence of America, while England was } r et eagerly pursu- 
ing her nefarious trade in human flesh, and Wilberforce 
and Thomas Clarkson and Granville Sharp were denounced 
and persecuted by her slave spirit for their efforts to ex- 
pose its infamy, the Congress of the United States, ' and 
every State in the American Union ordained that slavery 
should be forever excluded from the great territory of the 
Northwest. We thank the Confederation for that glorious 
and irrevocable decree that gave freedom and civilization 
to the great States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan ; 
and we thank those great States for Abraham Lincoln, and 
for the axe they have laid at the root of human slavery. 



17 

While America was thus employed in extending tlic em- 
pire of freedom, the spirit of slavery was maliciously 
work in its native land of England, tearing to pieces those 
monuments which marked the presi i ceof liberty in former 

years. 

It possessed the souls of the King and the aristocracy, 
and controlled the action of Parliament. 

It boldly assailed the freedom of the press, the freedom 
of speech, and the rights of the people to assemble in meet- 
ings for the purpose of public discussion. .Men who op- 
posed the slave-trade were constantly insulted, denounced 
as Jacobins, and shunned in society as enemies of the 
ministers. 

Men whoso humanity was shocked by the infamous man- 
ner in which England treated her French prisoners of war, 
and ventured to remonstrate against it, were ranked with 
the enemies of their country. Persons were fined, impris- 
d, and transported for expressing their opinions merely, 
on public questions. A law was enacted by which every 
public meeting was forbidden, unless notice of it were pub- 
lished in a newspaper five days beforehand, containing a 
full statement of its objects, signed by householders. 

This law was applied to all meetings held for considering 
or preparing any petition, complaint, or address to the 
king, or either branch of Parliament, or for the alteration 
of any matter established in church or state. Of course, 
it applied to meetings called to remonstrate against the 
slave-trade. 

Any justice of the peace had authority to compel a meet- 
ing to disperse, although held in pursuance of lawful notice, 
if, in his opinion, the language of the speakers was disre- 
spectful to the king or to the Government. If twelve per- 
sons or more remained together for one hour after the order 
to disperse, the act provided that "it shall be adjudged 
felou3 r Avithout the benefit of clergy; and the offenders 
therein shall be adjudged felons, and shall suffer death as 
in case of felony, without benefit of clergy." 



18 

This bloody act was passed in 1795. 

Four years later another act was passed, forbidding any 
field or place to be used for lecturing or debating, without 
a special license from a magistrate. All circulating-libraries 
and reading-rooms were placed under the same restriction. 
No person could lend or hire, in his own house, a book, 
pamphlet, or newspaper, under a penalty of one hundred 
pounds a day. If a man allowed lectures or debates, even 
under his own roof, it was a crime for which he was liable 
to be punished for keeping a disorderly house. This statute 
was passed in the thirty-ninth year of George III. 

The story is not half told ; but this is enough to show 
what the spirit of slavery accomplished in England, within 
the recollection of men who are now in her ministry, and 
in deep sympathy with its efforts to abolish the work of the 
American Ee volution. 

Meanwhile the people of America had adopted a Consti- 
tution. It ordained and established a National Government 
founded on the principles of the Ee volution. Mr. Madison 
had successfully opposed the use of a word in any part of 
it that would recognize a right of property in human 
beings. In his survey of the plan of Government which 
it proposed, he wrote thus in The Federalist : " The first 
question that presents itself is ' Whether the general form 
and aspect of the Government be strictly republican V It 
is evident that no other form would be reconcilable with 
the genius of the people of America, and with the funda- 
mental principles of the Revolution; or with that honorable 
determination which animates every votary of freedom, to 
rest all our political experiments on the capacity of mankind 
for self- gov ernmentP 

In the same paper he defines a republic to be a govern- 
ment which derives all its powers directly or indirectly 
from the great body of the people, and is administered by 
persons holding their offices during pleasure, for a limited 
period, or during good behavior. 

He adds, " It is essential to such a Government that it be 



1!) 

derived from the greal body of the society; not from an 
inconsiderable proportion, or a favored class of it; otherv\ 
;i handful of tyrannical nobles, exercising their oppressions 
by a delegation of their powers, mighl aspire to the rank 
of republicans, and claim for their Government the honor 
able title of Republio." (See /•' No. 39.) 

The lii-.-t article of the Constitution provides, amo 
other things, that "The House of Representatives shall be 
iposed of members chosen every second year by the 
people of the several States ; and the ch Slate 

shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of (he most 
numerous branch of tl 

It is manifest that under this provision, standing alone, 
any State iii the Union having a Legislature would have a 
right to send its representatives to Congress without regard 
to its form of government. " The qualifications requisite 
for electors of the most numerous branch of its Legislature, 
might not extend to the body of the people, but be enjoyed 
exclusively by a landed aristocracy, or "a handful of tyran- 
nical nobles." Such a State would not, according to Mr. 
Madison's definition, be a Republican State, but an oli- 
garchy, which stifles the popular will. 

Could the founders of our National Government have 
intended that Congress, the only power in America having 
authority to make laws which act upon and bind all dis- 
people of the United States, should be composed in wlu.de, or 
in part, of representatives of " tyrannical nobles," or of an 
aristocracy having no sympathy with the people, and no 
interests in common with them? Did they intend that the 
Government should exercise no authority or control oveT 
State institutions, and have no right to protect the people 
of a State from oppressive rulers, or the people of the 
United States from the mischievous influence of such rulers 
in the legislation of the country? The Constitution il 
answers the question: 

'•The United States shall guarantee to every State in the 
Union a republican form of government." That is, accord- 



20 

ing to Mr. Madison, a government which derives all its 
powers from the great tody of the 'people: or, according to 
the fundamental principle of the Revolution, a government 
which shall secure to all men the inalienable rights of "life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," den' ring its just 
powers from the consent of the governed. 

This guarantee is the vital spark of the whole system 
which America accepted and ordained. When we add to 
it the further provision, that "each House (of Congress) 
shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi- 
cations of its own members," the power to protect and secure 
the liberties of the people, through popular representation, 
is complete. A truly Republican Congress is, therefore, 
the common and constitutional right of the American peo- 
ple ; and such a Congress can never be tainted or corrupted 
by the spirit of slavery, no matter what form of oppression 
or of injustice that spirit may assume. The admonition 
should be written upon its outer and inner walls : "Let no 
one enter here ivho denies the truth of the declaration that all 
men are created equal P This was the Congress through 
which the men of the Revolution expected America to be- 
come a shining light to the nations of the earth. 

There was but little agitation in the public mind on the 
subject of slavery, until the application of Missouri for 
admission into the Union. It seems not to have been 
anticipated that, under our system of government, such 
a pernicious English plant could nourish very long in 
America. Indeed, the thoughts of the people during a 
considerable part of the first eighteen years of the present 
century were less directed to the subject of negro slavery 
than to their relations with their old oppressor. England 
was at war with France, because the French people had 
caught the spirit of the American Revolution, and sought 
deliverance from a despotic Government. Always true to 
slavery, she sided with despotism, and plunged into a war 
to suppress the spirit of reform that was finding its way 
into the heart of Europe. She had no other object to 
accomplish. 



21 

America being a neutral, had engrossed the chief part of 
the carrying trade of the world, and was rapidly risifl 
importance as a maritime power. Our flag was everywhere 
and England resolved it should be nowhere, h was to be 
driven from the ocean, not by legitimate war, but by an 
order in council. Accordingly, the order was issued, and 
here it is: "All the ports and places of France and her 
allies, from which, though not at war with his Majesty, 
the British flag is excluded, shall be subject to the sarrn 
respect to trade and navigation as if the 
same was actually blockaded in the most strict and rigorous 
'"""" ' an 1 that all trade in articles, the produce and 
manufactures of the said countries, or colonies, shall be 
deemed unlawful, and all SU ch articles declared good pri 
This order was aimed at America, and intended to sweep 
her commerce from the seas. It was in plain violation of 
public law, which recognizes no blockade of a port, wl 
no adequate force is stationed to prevent an entry. But 
what (Iocs the spirit of slavery care for public law? It 
was an insolent infringement of the well-settled rights of 
neutrals. But why should England care for that? America 
had no navy to protect her commerce, and therefore Eng- 
land captured our trading vessels, confiscated their cargoes. 
and seized our ships almost in the mouths of our harbors, 
on suspicion of an intent to violate her paper bl 

Under the claim of right her cruisers boarded our ves- 
sels, seized our seamen, cast them into loathsome dungeons, 
or compelled them to fight her battles, on the pretence that 
they were British subjects. She had instigated the Indians 
to hostility against us, and had sent a commissioner to 
Massachusetts to negotiate for the neutrality of the North- 
ern States, and their separation from the Union in the event 
of a war. She had upon the ocean a hundred ships-of-the 
line, and more than a thousand vessels of Avar carried her 
flag. The navy of America consisted of fom and 

eight sloops-of-war ! Would America resist her aggres- 
sions? She asked the same question in 177~>. and it was 



22 

answered at Lexington, and Concord, and Banker Hill ! It 
was answered the second time from the decks of the Con- 
stitution, and the cotton bales at New Orleans ! 

The great and momentous question of the extension of 
slavery, forced itself upon the country in the eighteenth 
year of the century, on the application of Missouri for ad- 
mission into the Union as a slave State. It absorbed all 
other questions, and enlisted all the intellectual and moral 
force that could be found among the people. The North, 
regarded the extension of slavery as hostile to the true 
principles of the Government, contrary to a sound and just 
construction of the Constitution, repugnant to all the teach- 
ings of Christianity, and dangerous to the future peace of 
the country. It maintained the faith of the revolution. 
The South insisted that, slavery had a right to carry its 
chains into any Territory of the United States, denied the 
authority of the Government to restrain its will or resist 
its march, or to require a free constitution as a condition 
precedent to the admission of a State into the Union. 
The popular branch of Congress contained a majority fa- 
vorable to the views of the North, and the Senate a majority 
on the other side. For nearly three years the country was 
in a blaze of excitement. The South threatened to dissolve 
the Union if the North refused to accede to her demands ; 
and civil war seemed imminent. For the sake of Union 
and of Peace the North yielded : not basely ; not by a sur- 
render of her faith, but by consenting to a compromise 
which only postponed the inevitable conflict, while Mis- 
souri entered the Uniou, rattling in triumph the chains she 
had bolted on her sinews. 

Was it right or wrong ? Whatever it may have been 
then, God has made it right at last ; for those very chains 
attracted the lightning of his wrath, and Missouri, desolated 
and repentant, lifts up her voice to-day for Liberty and 
Union ! 

As we look back to that period now, through the events 
that connect it with the present, we can almost read the will 



23 

of the Almighty respecting this greal national sin. We* 
almost understand the causes that influenced Him in per 
mitting it to extend its power, build its idolatrous tem] 
on freedom's soil, and blaspheme EEisname Ibing it 

on their walls. He intended it to fall by its own acts; to 
perish as it had lived — by the sword; to die suddenly, 
gradually, in the culmination of its power and under the 
weighl of its crimes, when no spot should be left on the Ameri- 
can continent where its foul and uneasy spirit could find a 
resting-place. Had its career in the United States been 
checked in L821 by the refusal of the people to admit slave 
States into the Union, it would have sought refuge and a 
throne in the Mexican territory of Texas. There, in a genial 
clime, it might have established its empire over a country 
twice as large as Great Britain and Ireland, and exceeding 
in extent the whole empire of France. An independent and 
aggressive nation, all Mexico would have succumbed to its 
influence, and, extending its posts across the continent, 
flao; would have been unfurled on the coast of the Pacific. 

But the Missouri Compromise led to opposite results. 
Emigration from the United States to Texas commenced 
about the time of the admission of Missouri, and Texas 
became an independent slave State in 1836. In 1845 slav- 
erv was well assured of its supremacyin the United Sts 
and Texas was attracted to the seat of its power. Eeserv- 
iii"- the riffht of sending ten members to the Senate by 
dividing herself into ten States, she annexed to the Union 
her two hundred and fifty thousand square miles of terri- 
tory, all dedicated to human slavery. 

This was not enough. Insatiate in its demands, new 
requisitions were made, and the flag of the Union floated 
over the halls of the Montezumas. 

Our eagles held the golden gates of California, and New 
Mexico completed our conquests. Five hundred thousand 
square miles, were thus taken from Mexico and annexed to 
the territory of the United States, in anticipation of the 
future wants of slavery, now almost ready to spring at the 



24 

throat of Liberty, and assert an indefeasible title to the 
Government. 

It felt strong enough to accomplish in America all that 
it did in its native England at the close of the eighteenth 
century. 

It assailed the freedom of speech and the freedom of the 
press. 

It had applied the torch to buildings where men assem- 
bled to expose its crimes. It denounced them as enemies 
of their country and insulted them with opprobrious 
names. 

It mobbed its opponents in Northern cities, and hung 
them in its own. 

It robbed the mails of newspapers and pamphlets which 
dared to question its divinity. 

It punished with stripes the Christian woman who taught 
the slave to read that Christ died for all men. 

It could pursue its victims into the free States, and, by 
authority of law, require of freemen the offices of blood- 
hounds. 

It could control all the patronage of the Government and 
the proceedings of political conventions, and boastfully an- 
nounced that the day was near, when it would call the roll 
of its quivering flesh at the foot of the monument on Bunker 
Hill. What else remained for slavery to do ? 

Not }^et satiated with crime, it paused in its career to 
survey the fields of its future operations. It saw that the 
spirit of Independence and the love of liberty were iden- 
tified with the free labor of the country. The enterprise 
of free labor was driving the wilderness before it, and all 
the Great West was vocal with its industry, It had scaled 
the Eocky Mountains, possessed itself of California, and 
fixed her golden star in the national constellation. Hewing 
its way through the primeval forests, it had led the free 
State of Oregon into the Union. It was building school - 
houses along the line of its march, and thriving towns and 
great cities where rising everywhere by its command. It 



25 

was covering the Pacific with the sails of its commerce. It 
was reading the Declaration of Independence in the Terri- 
tory of Kansas, close to the offended ear of Missouri. A 
press and freedom of speech were spreading the light 
and blessings of civilization all around it, and opposing 
impassable barriers to the entrance of slavery. Ohurc 
were springing up on all the hill-sides, and in the valli 
where, on God's Sabbath day, it wiped the sweat of toil 
from its brow, and lifted up its soul in thanksgiving and 
praise. 

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the bloody 
history of Kansas, tell what infernal fires burned in the 
heart of slavery, when its eyes beheld this majestic growth 
of the principles of the Revolution. 

That poor old man who threw himself at its feet, and 
was led in its chains to the Presidential chair, could tell us, 
if he would, the conditions to which he was bound. Ee 
was to have no successor. The end of his Administration 
was to be the end of the Government of the United States. 
His oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, 
was nothing. True to the spirit that owned him, and sub- 
missive to its commands, he was ready and willing to sur- 
render the Union and end its history in the blood of a civil 
war. 

Tuder his administration, the North was disarmed, our 
national ships ordered to foreign stations, and our forts and 
arsenals in the South rilled with munitions of war for the 
use of slavery. The treasury was plundered, and promi- 
nent officers of the army were corrupted and suborned 
against their country. He saw slavery mustering its 
cohorts, and investing the fort in Charleston harbor, where 
the faithful Anderson and his sixty men were guarding our 
flag, and, though armed with all the power of the Govern- 
ment, he abandoned that little garrison to die by treason, or 
submit to its demands. 

lie was patient and non-resistent, when the same powei 
seized the well-furnished forts and arsenals, and all the 



26 

public property in the South, tore the flag of the nation 
from every staff within reach of its perfidious hands, and 
organized the rebellion. If the official conduct of this 
unhappy man, has been overruled for good, by the immor- 
tal King who tolerates no treason, let us hope that he may 
find some consolation in that final judgment, as he goes 
down to his grave, dishonored and unmournecl. 

Thanks to the Great Disposer of events and of men, he 
had a successor in a fearless and virtuous representative of 
the free labor of the country. Abraham Lincoln had 
been reared in its schools and worshipped in its churches. 
The first echoes of the morning were the echoes of his axe, 
and, still speaking to all mankind, they proclaim that, 
where human equality is established, neither the sweat of 
toil nor the accident of humble birth can close the avenue 
to honorable fame ; that under a government founded on 
justice, the only passports to universal respect, are virtue 
industry and the love of God. These echoes will roll on 
from century to century, heralding the advance of the 
most perfect civilization that the world has ever known. 

It was the mission of Abraham Lincoln to confirm the 
people in the faith of the Revolution, and through them to 
cast out of America the evil spirit of slavery. He knew 
that their love for the Union was not a mere sentimental 
excitement or a passion that might burn itself to death ; 
but a deep-rooted affection, that finds perpetual sustenance 
in the self-evident truth of human equality, which the Union 
was made to secure, and which springs up into everlasting- 
life. This is what raised our armies and maintained them 
in the field. This is what poured the wealth of the people 
into the public Treasury, and gave them confidence in the 
stability of their Government. The faith of the Revolu- 
tion was summoned to its third conflict with the power of 
slavery and despotism, which it had twice overcome in its 
wars with England. 

If this war had been fought on airy other principle, we 
should have been beaten. Had we started out with an 



27 

amended Declaration, and announced that all men are not 
created equal, thai some men have natural rights wh 
arc denied to others, that the object' ament is to 

protect wealth, no1 liberty, to secure and confirm the p< 
oC the strong the weak, Lord Russell would i 

been neither discourteous nor malicious when he spok 
our Government in Parliament as "th f the 

United States" For then, indeed, we should have aban- 
doned all that the Union was made for, and nothing would 
e been left to till the measure of our disgrace, but to 
obliterate the memory of our fathers, and return to the 
embrace of England and the chains of slavery. 

England and slavery have not been separated in their 
hatred of the Union, or in the desire for its destruction. 
How could it be otherwise than that a strong sympathy 
should exist between two powers whose statutes denounced 
the same penalties against the freedom of speech, the free- 
dom of the press, and the right of the people to assemble 
in public meetings to petition for the redress of grievances ? 
What else are Ave to expect from England now, than 
remonstrances against the punishment of traitors, who have 
been doing her service in this bloody war against the 
Union ? 

We have seen that one of her objects in filling the colo- 
nies with slaves, was to protect herself from the competi- 
tion which the enterprise and skill of free labor might 
inaugurate in America. She has never jet surrendered 
her idea of keeping us dependent upon her workshops and 
manufactures. At the close of the war of 1812-15, the 
present Lord Brougham declared, in one o\' his ss in 

the House of Commons, of which he was a member, that it 
was the policy of England, "by meat 'ts, to 

stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United 
States, which the war had forced into existence." It is now 
a well-known fact that immense contributions in money 
were raised in England to corrupt our elections and secure 
the repeal of the American tariff of 1S42. The protest of 



28 

Mr. Bulwer, the British minister, against the imposition of 
a duty on foreign iron by Congress, addressed to the Ameri- 
can Secretary of State, only a few years ago, is well remem- 
bered * England has always hoped that slavery in the 
United States, as it extended its dominion and power, would 
finally check the growth of our manufactures and restore 
to her a measure of that dependence which she lost by the 
war of the Kevolution. 

Had the rebellion, in which her sympathies were so 
deeply enlisted, proved successful, her desires would have 
been realized as to the Southern Confederacy at least, and 
the work of disintegration among the remaining States, 
would probably have enabled her to extend her own domi- 
nions on the American continent. 

The sudden uprising of the American people in defence 
of their Government, was the inevitable result of our free 
institutions. It will satisfy posterity that, the failure to 
abolish slavery by law, and the consent to its extension, 
from time to time, ought not to be considered as unpardon- 
able infidelity to the principles of the Ee volution, but rather 
as the result of a spirit of forbearance, strengthened, per- 
haps too much, by the difficulties which surrounded the 
abrogation of a system of labor, which had existed on the 
continent for more than two centuries. 

On the very day that slavery drew the sword upon 
liberty for the purpose of establishing its permanent em- 
pire, the American people, chosen instruments of Divine 
justice, determined it should die. It was a terrible conflict 
with all the hosts of hell. The Christian world never wit- 
nessed its like before, and never will again. The thing is 

* In 1750, Parliament passed an act prohibiting the erection or continuance 
of any mill or other engine in the Colonies, for slitting or rolling iron, or 
any plating forge to work with a tilt hammer, or any furnace for making 
steel in the Colonies, under a penalty of two hundred pounds. And every such 
mill, engine, plating forge and furnace in the Colonies was declared a com- 
mon nuisance, and the Governors of the Colonies, on the information of two 
witnesses, were directed to cause the same to be abated within thirty days, or 
to forfeit the sum of five hundred pounds ! (Stat, at Large, vol. vii., p. 263.) 



29 

dead! Its career ended as it began— in blasphemy 
blood. With its bishops in the Church, il called upon Grod 
for help; with its assassins in the capital, it appealed to 
hell for succor. Its pimps in the British Parliament; its 
friends in the British ministry, and its rogues in the Lon- 
don Exchange, have defiled themselves in vain — they could 
not save it. With the foulest record of crime that was ever 
exposed to Omnipotent wrath, it has boon burled into an 
abyss from which it will never rise, but sink down— down — 
down— deeper and deeper, in fathomless infamy, through 
all eternity ! 

The patriot armies of the republic, which struck this 
blow for the principles of the Declaration, pass into a 
glorious history. The living, resume the duties of the citi- 
zen and the pursuits of peace, and will be honored for- 
ever by the friends of liberty and justice throughout the 
world. The dead, will rise with the revolutionary fathers 
on each return of this anniversary, to receive from a free 
people, to the end of time, the memorials of their gratitude. 

As I pass through the public hospitals and look upon 
the soldiers and sailors, whose mutilated bodies attest their 
fidelity to our flag, and upon those, wasted by disease con- 
tracted on the weary march or in the loathsome prisons of 
slavery, who patiently and sadly await the order to their 
graves ; when I visit the battle fields, where the victims 
of treason rest by thousands in the embrace of death : 
when I see the trembling tear of the loyal mother, as she 
thanks God for the solace that her son was true to his 
country and died in its cause, I cannot but ask, whether 
there is no terrible retribution in this world for the living 
and boastful traitors who wrought this woe? Whether 
mercy, which ever dwells in the Christian heart, should 
exhaust herself upon the blood-stained suppliants who 
have never known her, or, looking into the future, should 
not rather demand a present atonement for the salvation of 
posterity ? 

That prominent and leading men, educated in the art of 



30 

war at the public expense, in the public military academy, 
honored and confided in by their Government, appointed 
to high commands in the array, and supported all their 
lives out of the public treasury, should, in the hour of 
their country's need, turn their swords against her, and at- 
tempt her life, and then be permitted to live in her history 
as -heroes, and not as felons, is a proposition that may find 
advocates among the sympathizers with slavey in the 
British Parliament, but can hardly fail to shock the moral 
sense of every loyal and virtuous community. 

But whatever may be the fate of traitors, treason has 
been foiled, and slavery is dead. This is the great event 
of the nineteenth century — the great glory of America to- 
day. 

She leads four millions of men, women, and children out 
of the most inhuman bondage ever known in the history 
of the world, tells them that all men are created equal, 
and invests them with their natural rights! Why do we 
rejoice? - What mean the people's oblations of praise and 
gratitude on this anniversary ? It is the spontaneous and 
irrepressible tribute of the true American heart, to that 
eternal justice which, keeping pace with advancing Christ- 
ianity, has made America free, and is destined to over- 
come oppression in whatever form it may exist, wherever 
man can look up to the heavens and behold the glory of 
God. 

But our duties are not ended. These children of unpro- 
pitious fortune, lifted from the degradation into which they 
had been sunk by the weight of their chains— yesterday 
trembling slaves — are American citizens to-day, born on 
the soil. They will now, by their free labor, acquire pro- 
perty of their own. They will be subject to taxation, and 
to the call of their country whenever their services may be 
required in war. In some of the States they constitute a 
majority of the population. 

By the law of the Eevolution, taxation without repre- 
sentation is robbery. 



31 

By the Constitution, this is a- Republic, and the peopL 

of every State shall be guaranteed a republican form <>I 
government. 

By the Declaration of Independence, all governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 

Looking into the future, it is therefore plain that, these 
people must, sooner or later, be invested with all the rights 
and privileges of American citizens — "rights inestimable to 
them, and formidable to tyrants only." 

Prejudice may stand awhile in the way of this consum 
mation. The mere politician may seek to postp< me or evade 
the question. The honest citizen will meet it squarely, and 
discuss it calmly. It is not without its embarrassments: 
but the sooner it is settled, the better for the country. - True, 
they are ignorant; but the loyal soldier of the Republic 
will testify that, he always found a friend in the cabin of 
the uneducated negro, and always an enemy in the house 
of the educated master ! They are ignorant, because, by 
the code of slavery, it teas a crime to instruct them. The\ 
are not more ignorant, than the poor whites of the South, 
or than multitudes in the North, who escaped from oppres- 
sion and degradation in Ireland, to the freedom of the 
ballot-box in America. Let us lift them up, as we do the 
o] >pressed of foreign lands who seek our shores, and 
strengthen their attachment to the country by convini 
them that we are just. In the language of Mr. Madison. 
let us " rest - political experiments on the capacil 

mankind for , rnment.'' 

Let America "be just and fear not !" The Power above 
us, has so often and so signally balked our finite judgment, 
and overruled disasters for our good within the last ten 
years, that men who never saw His hand in anything be- 
fore, have watched it with wonder and with reverence as it 
has led our country through a sea of her own blood to the 
highest seat among the nations. If the people arc faithful 
to the principles of the Declaration, may they not safelx 
leave the result to the direction of the same Greal Duke 
of the world in whom our fathers put their trust? 



32 

God grant that, when the sun shall rise on the Centen- 
nial Anniversary of our Independence, only eleven years 
distant, there shall be no spot now covered by the flag of 
our country, from which a cry of injustice or oppression 
may ascend to His attentive ear. And, if I may be per- 
mitted to utter in this presence the fervent prayer of an 
American heart, may you, to whom I now speak, live to 
rejoice on that day, in the full and triumphant fruition of 
every principle of the American Revolution. 

At the close of the Oration, the following Hymn, 
written for the League and the occasion by George 
H. Boker, Esq., was sung by the choir and the 
audience: 

Am—" Old Hundred:' 

Thank God ! the bloody days are past, 
Our patient hopes are crowned at last ; 
And sounds of bugle, drum, and fife, 
But lead our heroes home from strife 1 

Thank God, there beams o'er land and sea 
Our blazing star of victory ; 
And everywhere, from main to main, 
The old flag flies, and rules again ! 

Thank God, dark and trodden race, 
Your Lord no longer veils His face ; 
But through the clouds and woes of fight 
Shines on your soul a better light ! 

Thank God, we see on every hand 
Breast-high the ripening grain-crops stand ; 
The orchards bend, the herds increase ; 
But oh, thank God, thank God, for Peace ! 

The Doxology was then sung, and the ceremonies 
closed by a benediction from the Rev. Phillips 
Brooks. 



9 fl 91 920 210 
ssaaowoD jo Aawaan 



